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Forgiveness and Reconciliation

This section focuses on forgiveness, its relationship to reconciliation and on the work of the Schools of Forgiveness and Reconciliation.

  1. Forgiveness

  2. Reconciliation

  3. The Schools of Forgiveness and Reconciliation

Building cultures of reconciliation implies a process. It begins with recognizing the origins of conflict. It often means learning to see the structural violence that lies just beyond the horizon of our own interests – and learning to deal with practices and attitudes that contribute to conflict rather than mutuality. Social conflict is inherent in human relations and is manifest and internal to the persons and parties involved. It is that which reveals difference. Conflict can escalate and eventuate in a variety of outcomes, some of which are destructive. Some can contribute to reconciliation and mutual well being. This does not imply agreement, although it may. Indeed, difference can enrich as well as enflame. Building cultures of reconciliation means developing proactive attitudes and practices that make community possible.

Reconciliation happens as persons or groups begin to shape their lives in positive relation to one another. It happens as people learn to deal with what separates them and as they find a bridge to new attitudes and practices that enable people to live in relation to one another, not in isolation from each other.

Forgiveness is the means toward breaking the cycles of hostility and violence that lock people into repetitive patterns of mutual destructiveness. A culture of reconciliation is established as persons seek repairative, transformative, or restorative justice.

The Boston Theological Institute was founded in order to promote understanding and cooperation, not to erase difference, but to find in difference ways that enhance human experience and deepen patterns of community. Deep change draws upon our assumptions about life, or ontology. It implies a way of understanding, or an epistemology. This must eventuate in practice, or ethics. Building cultures of reconciliation is what churches are all about, or should be. Such a culture happens within and among churches as well as outside of faith-communities insofar as principles of forgiveness, reconciliation, and restorative justice are implemented. These values, and the patterns that work for justice and that build peace, are the focus of this web page.

 

1. Forgiveness

What is “Forgiveness?”

Different people have offered a variety of interpretations for the word “forgiveness” – and no one has brought the term into public currency more than Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu from South Africa. However, as each person nuances the term differently, we see how various aspects of the term shape our self-understanding, our relationships with others, and the nature of emerging patterns of community.

1) Various Definitions:

For example, forgiveness might be seen as a commitment to a way of life and practice (Jones). It might be defined as a commitment of the will (Suchocki). It may also imply that which entails liberation from the past (Müller-Fahrenholz). Forgiveness might focus upon and be seen as applicable to the secular realm and public policy (Shriver), or it might be seen as focused upon motivations that reduce interactions with one who has hurt us (Worthington). One researcher, Joanna North, writes, “Forgiveness is a matter of a willed change of heart, the successful result of an active endeavor to replace bad thoughts with good, bitterness and anger with compassion and affection.” Another (Michelle Nelson) writes of stages of forgiveness, detached, limited, and complete along a road toward healing. Journalist and political philosopher Hannah Arendt write of Jesus as the “discoverer” of forgiveness.

2) Consider the Following Example:

Müller-Fahrenholz writes: “To understand what forgiveness does to our relationships we need to see the bondage that evil creates. In Song of Solomon the African-American novelist Toni Morrison writes, ‘If you take a life, you own it. You are responsible for it. You can’t get rid of nobody by killing them. They are still there, and they are yours now.’ This is a forceful way of saying that every act of transgression constitutes a bondage that keeps the perpetrator and victim locked together. The more violent the transgression, the deeper the bondage” (24). M-F writes earlier, that forgiveness generally refers to a specific act of pardoning. “Someone repents, someone forgives. “Repentance” and “forgiveness” are taken as the two sides of a process in which the perpetrator of an evil act confesses his or her remorse and the victim of that act grants pardon. Two elements explain why forgiveness has become so cheap a notion: its triteness and its inconsequentiality” (3). Note how “forgiveness” defines the church: There is no worship apart from forgiveness (Matt. 5:23-24). Forgiveness defines the material identity of the church (John 20: 21-23). Forgiveness, as it tends toward reconciliation, defines (II Cor 5:19) vocation. Indeed, it might even be said that just as there are degrees to which we are willing to forgive so, to, there are degrees to which we might find community.

3) Examples of Recent Literature Include: 

  • Robert D. Enright and Joanna North, eds., Exploring Forgiveness (University of Wisconsin, 1998), p. 20.
  • Geiko Müller-Fahrenholz, The Art of Forgiveness. Theological Reflections on Healing and Reconciliation (Geneva: WCC, 1996/1977).
  • Charles Griswold, Forgiveness. A Philosophical Exploration (2007)
  • L. Gregory Jones, Embodying Forgiveness. A Theological Analysis (Grand Rapids: MI, 1995).
  • Robert Karen, The Forgiving Self. The Road from Resentment to Connection (New York: Doubleday, 2001).
  • Donald W. Shriver, Jr., An Ethic for Enemies. Forgiveness in Politics (NY: Oxford, 1995).
  • Lewis B. Smedes, The Art of Forgiving (New York: Ballantine, 1996).
  • Marjorie Suchoki, The Fall to Violence. Original Sin in Relational Theology (Continuum, 1995).
  • Desmond Tutu, No Future Without Forgiveness (New York: Doubleday, 1999).
  • Everett L. Worthington, Jr., Dimensions of Forgiveness. Psychological Research and Theological Perspectives (Philadelphia: Templeton, 1998).

The BTI Activity which correlates with the work of forgiveness can be most clearly seen in the encounter of Afircans, African-Americans and Caucasian-Americans at the Akrofi-Kristeller Memorial Institute, in Ghana. See in Forgiveness and Reconciliation (Templeton, 2002).

 

2. Reconciliation

What is “Reconciliation”?

 Reconciliation is the resolution of violences. It begins to happen when we participate in positive relations with previous enemies. The term “Reconciliation” (katallagé), as used by the Apostle Paul (II Cor. 5:16-21; Eph. 2:11-22), was a word used for monetary exchange in the Hellenistic world. It meant “the making of what one has into something other” or, by extension, one becomes a new person by exchanging places with another. It is not without effort (Matt. 5:38-41). In the OT and NT the term implies agreement after estrangement, with the apparent theological premise that sin has separated humanity from God but that God purposes to aid God’s enemies. Such biblical paradigms of reconciliation as that of Joseph and his brothers in Egypt (Gen 50:15-21), the embrace of Esau and Jacob (Gen 33:4) or, finally, Jesus’ death on our behalf imply great cost. Here, one becomes a new creation because a power from without enables one to be other than what one was before.

1) Various Definitions:

The Kairos Document (SA) talked of “cheap reconciliation,” in analogy to Bonhoeffer’s “cheap grace,” implying a reconciliation without justice. It raises the question of the temporal sequencing of justice and reconciliation and whether justice as perceived by all parties can ever be finally determined, hence need for truth, as we are bound in patterns of victim and perpetrator. In this light, we might speak of “national reconciliation” and wonders about “collective healing” and the pursuit of “political unity,” but by whose definition. Or, in personal relations stumble on the term the “forgiveness bypass” (Judith Herman), a shortchanging of justice in inter-personal relations on the way toward reconciliation. Worthington writes that “Forgiveness happens inside an individual; reconciliation happens within a relationship” (129). Volf, substituting the term “embrace” for “peace,” claims four points about the relation between justice and embrace: 1) the primacy of the will to embrace, 2) attending to justice as a precondition of actual embrace, 3) the will to embrace as the framework of the search for justice, and 4) embrace as the horizon of the struggle for justice. These views, taken from the domain of national life and inter-personal relationships, remind us of the Latin root for reconciliation, concilium, or a deliberative process in which conflicting parties meet “in council,” (Müller-Fahrenholz, 3).

2) Consider the Following Example:

John Paul Lederach envisions reconciliation as a meeting place where Truth, Mercy, Justice and Peace come together. He writes how from his work in Nicaragua Psalm 85:10, the locus for these terms, took on such revelatory and reconciling potential He adds, “Reconciliation can be thus understood as both a focus and a locus. As a perspective, it is built on and oriented toward the relational aspects of a conflict. As a social phenomenon, reconciliation represents a space, a place or location of encounter, where parties to a conflict meet” (30). Dawson outlines numerous areas in need of reconciliation

3) Examples of Recent Literature Include:

  • John Dawson, Healing America’s Wounds (Regal Books, 1994).
  • Colin Holtum, Reconciliation. The History and Purpose of Coventry (City Vision, 1998).
  • Nicholas Frayling, Pardon and Peace ( London, 1996).
  • John Paul Lederach, Building Peace (USIP, 1997).
  • Robert Schreiter, Reconciliation (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1999)
  • C. W. du Toit, Confession and Reconciliation (UNISA, 1998).
  • Wilhelm Verwoerd, My Winds of Change (Randburg, SA, 1997).
  • Walter Wink, Violence and Nonviolence in South Africa. Jesus’ Third Way (Phil.: New Society, 1989). See his later works as well.

The BTI Activity which correlates with the work of Reconciliation include several of the annual Seminar-Workshops & Courses, but most clearly the workshop held in 2000 at Caux, Switzerland with 50 young theologians and their mentors from the former Yugoslavia. See in Raymond Helmick, SJ, "Seminarians Make Peace in the Balkans," America Magazine, Vol. 183 No. 4 (August 12, 2000).

 

3. The Schools of Forgiveness and Reconciliation

The work of forgiveness has grown in importance and in visibility since the end of the twentieth century. The term, of increasing interest to psychologists and sociologists, has become caught up in issues of public policy and political reconciliation. Grounded in the religious and wisdom traditions, forgiveness has the power to make and to remake history. The work of the Schools of Forgiveness and Reconciliation (SFR) offers a unique glimpse into the personal and political significance of forgiveness grounded in conflicts that have torn apart nations and abused human rights. The BTI has partnered with SFR since 2006 so as to bring the work to the churches and culture of North America.

 

Schools of Forgiveness and Reconciliation

Founded in 2001 in Bogatá, Colombia, the Schools of Forgiveness and Reconciliation (SFR) promote the theory and practice of forgiveness and reconciliation not only in scenarios where cycles of social or political violence have become entrenched but also in the daily lives of people.

SFR seeks to break these sycles of violence by transforming an individual’s anger and resentment into te ability to live in dignity, harmony and peace with others. By removing the emotional and cognitive barriers to reconciliation for both victims and perpetrators, SFR helps to rebuild key pillars of human existence: meaning in life, psychological and physical security, and social integration. Forgiveness is not forgetting but rather seeing withi different eyes.

The SFR methodology provides a process for healing the emotional wounds and memories of violence and for generating new narratives. It promotes reconciliation by fostering truth, and enkdorsing restorative justice over punitive justice.

Currently, SFR works extensively in Colombia and through partners in Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, Uruguay, Canada and the U.S. In Colombia, SFR has trained approximately 93,000 participants in 40 cities and towns. Those served include youth, ex-combatants, displaced persons, and victims of domestic violence, among others.

Using a trainer-of-trainers approach, the methodology is delivered in small groups of 9-15 people and typically consists of 80 hour workshops divided into 10 modules (48 hours of forgiveness and 32 hours for reconciliation).

Guiding principles include:

  • Forgiveness is not only a religious resource, but – and above all – a political virtue.
  • Forgiveness is the basis of our ability to enter into and sustain politicall communities.
  • Forgiveness prevents retaliation and guarantees sustainable peace.
  • Truth, justice and reparation are indispensable components of reconciliation.
  • Forgiveness does not prevent justice being applied.
  • Without forgiveness and reconciliation there is no future.
  • Compassion and tenderness must be reinstated as basic elements of a culture of peace.
  • We embrace the “irrationalityi of forgiveness” over the irrationalitiy of violence.
  • Beyond Homo sapiens, the era of Homo reparans begins.

Over two hundred years ago Emmanuel Kant commented that if human history were destined to culminate in universal peace it would have to confront a serious dilemma: achieve peace by way of moral inspiration or througha process of boundless, catastrophic, violence. The proposal to creaste a culture of forgiveness and reconciliation for socio-political and interpersonal conflicts is part of this moral inspiration.

 

Importance of the Work In Colombia (The material below has been taken from a BBC Report, 2009):

Colombia has been ravaged by decades of civil conflict and has long been synonymous with drug-trafficking. President Alvaro Uribe, who came to power in 2002 and was re-elected in 2006, has pursued a hardline stance against left-wing guerrillas while making tentative peace overtures. In mid-2008, a series of setbacks suffered by the country's biggest rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc) suggested Mr Uribe's stance was having an effect. Under a separate peace deal, some 31,000 right-wing paramilitaries have disarmed but moves to complete the demobilisation process remain controversial and fraught with difficulties. Nevertheless, Colombia, the centre of the world cocaine trade, remains beset by violence and poverty.

Why is Colombia so violent?

Colombia, in common with many Latin American nations, evolved as a highly segregated society, split between the traditionally rich families of Spanish descent and the vast majority of poor Colombians, many of whom are of mixed race. This group provided a natural constituency for left-wing insurgents - who nowadays fall into two groups, the Farc and the ELN (National Liberation Army).

At the other end of the political spectrum are right-wing paramilitaries, with roots in vigilante groups set up decades ago by landowners for protection against rebels. The main group was the AUC - the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia.

Elements of all the armed groups have been involved in drug-trafficking.

In a country where the presence of the state has always been weak, the result has been a grinding war on multiple fronts, with the civilian population caught in the crossfire and often deliberately targeted for "collaborating". Human rights advocates blame paramilitaries for massacres, "disappearances", and cases of torture and forced displacement. Rebel groups are behind assassinations, kidnapping and extortion.

Who suffers?

It is difficult to find reliable statistics on the toll from the violence in Colombia. What is clear is that the scale of the suffering has been huge. Especially at risk are those with high-profile roles in the community - including social leaders, political activists, human rights campaigners and trade unionists. Many indigenous communities have also suffered attacks. Violent crime and kidnapping have, however, decreased in recent years. In May 2008, the government announced that kidnaps were at a 20-year low. Figures showed that from a high in 2000 when more than 3,500 people were seized, in 2007 just under 400 people were kidnapped. Of these, some 179 were freed. But the fate of those taken hostage by rebels or seized by common criminals continues to resonate in Colombian society. Over the decades, some three million people have been internally displaced by the fighting. The UN says that many displaced people often end up living in shanty towns around the cities, where they have little access to health or educational services.

What are the prospects for peace?

President Uribe has pursued a tough security policy, a move that has won appreciation from many Colombians worn out by conflict. The Farc rebels have suffered a series of blows to their leadership and have been hit by desertions. The audacious rescue by the Colombian military of the country's highest-profile hostage, Ingrid Betancourt, and 14 others on 2 July deprived the rebels of one of their biggest bargaining chips for obtaining the release of jailed rebels. The Colombian government used the rescue to renew its call for the rebels to lay down their arms and begin serious peace talks. Analysts say that while the rebels have not been defeated, they have been seriously weakened.

What about paramilitary fighters?

Thousands of paramilitaries have handed in their weapons under a peace deal. But the process is beset by many hurdles, and the extent of the paramilitaries' influence over and involvement in local, regional and national politics came to the fore in 2007. In a scandal dubbed the "parapolitics", a dozen members of congress were jailed and dozens more politicians investigated for links to the AUC. Under a controversial justice and peace law passed in 2005, paramilitary fighters are eligible for reduced jail terms - of no more than eight years - if they give details of their involvement in torture, killings and other crimes. Critics argued that paramilitaries guilty of serious human rights violations could end up serving only token jail terms. The government points to figures which it says show a decreasing level of violence as evidence that its strategy is working. It rejects accusations that it has been soft on the paramilitaries, and says the door is open to rebels wishing to engage in peace talks.

Why is the US involved in Colombia?

Up to 90% of all cocaine on American streets comes from Colombia, so the US administration is keen to tackle the supply at source. Since 2000, Washington has spent some $6bn (£3.8bn) on Plan Colombia, under which Colombian forces receive training, equipment and intelligence to root out drug-traffickers and eliminate coca crops. Initially, the US Congress stipulated that this money should only be used against drug lords and not for any other campaigns, such as the government's fight with left-wing rebels. However, since 2002 the Bush administration has indicated that some aid is now being spent on counter-terrorism. Human rights groups say the line between the war on drugs and the war on rebels is increasingly blurred. They say Colombia's rebels have been disproportionately targeted in Plan Colombia, though it is the paramilitaries who have been most involved in drug-trafficking.

 

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